On Wednesday, September 23, 2026, researchers at the University of Chicago’s Climate Impact Lab published a stating that about 31,400 more聽 Nigerians could die from extreme heat between September 2026 and February 2027 because of El Ni帽o in Nigeria. This is the highest projected of any country on Earth, with global deaths estimated to be about 451,000.

Just to be clear, this is a projection of deaths above a normal year, not a confirmed toll. The lab itself says its full methodology is still awaiting peer review, but the researchers say the point is to that there might be fire on the mountain. But before we talk about what the Nigerian government is doing to quench that fire, let’s break down what El Ni帽o is and what it means for Nigeria and the whole world.

What is El Ni帽o and how long will it last?

is a natural warming of the Pacific Ocean that shifts weather patterns thousands of kilometres away. According to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), it happens every two to seven years and lasts 9 to 12 months.

But this one鈥檚 a monster, according to the researchers. The World Meteorological Organisation (WMO) said on Thursday, September 3, 2026, that it would and last into early 2027. On Thursday, October 8, NOAA put the of the heat rising from strong to very strong through January鈥揗arch 2027 at over 83 per cent.

Why is Nigeria top of the list?

Nigeria is in the direct path of the heat. With , Nigeria is the most populous of the four Sahel countries facing the worst of it, so the same heatwave reaches far more people. The Sahel is projected to lose 66,800 people to heat, and nearly half of those deaths would be from Nigeria.

According to the Nigerian Meteorological Agency (NiMet), in the days leading up to Thursday, October 22, reached 41掳C in Nguru, Yobe State, and 34掳C in Lagos.

These numbers mean thousands of Nigerians are exposed to high risks at once, with older people, young children and people with existing health conditions most at risk. Heat doesn’t announce itself. It just takes the people with the least protection.

The heat is getting wesser

In February 2026, NiMet’s Seasonal Climate Prediction, presented in Abuja by Aviation Minister Festus Keyamo, to a predominantly neutral ENSO phase, which simply means no El Ni帽o.

NiMet made an in its Seasonal Climate Prediction report on August 13, but that update said El Ni帽o’s temperature impact might not be significant between August and October.

Meanwhile, the National Emergency Management Agency鈥檚 (NEMA) centred on the seasonal prediction and flooding. Its July 13 advisory covered flash floods in 26 states and the FCT. We found no national heat action plan, no public heat-alert system and no cooling or hydration points announced anywhere.

You have a role to play

You don鈥檛 have to wait for the government to do something before you act.

• Drink water regularly, especially if you work outdoors;聽
• Avoid strenuous activity during the hottest hours;聽
• Avoid walking under the sun for long hours if you can

Beyond personal habits, NiMet and the WHO have extended precautions to the institutional and community level. 

• Employers and schools are explicitly urged to provide shaded rest areas, ensure cross-ventilation, and mandate regular cooling breaks.聽
• Communities are advised to protect local water sources from excessive evaporation and to plant trees proactively.聽
• Check regularly on high-risk individuals, specifically babies, transport or construction workers, and neighbours managing high blood pressure or diabetes, as extreme heat rapidly worsens underlying cardiovascular and kidney strains.聽

Know the signs of heat exhaustion

• 顿颈锄锄颈苍别蝉蝉,听
• Headache
• Nausea and
• Weakness
• Confusion, seizures or fainting could mean a life-threatening emergency. Get medical help immediately if you feel unwell.

El no no 

Heat deaths are preventable, and the Climate Impact Lab lists heat warnings, outreach to vulnerable people, cooling centres, hydration stations and worker protections as ways to cut them, so here’s what to demand from the government.

Ask NiMet, NEMA and the Federal Ministry of Health for a national heat action plan for El Ni帽o, and when it will be implemented and published.

In a society where women had to fight to have their voices heard, Margaret Ekpo was a pioneering activist who risked it all to ensure women鈥檚 voices became impossible to ignore.

Born in 1914, during a time when Nigeria was under British rule and women were not allowed to vote, Ekpo completed her Standard Six education in 1934. Her dreams of entering teacher training were abruptly put on hold following the death of her father. To support herself, she entered the workforce as a pupil-teacher at local elementary schools.聽

Joining her husband, Dr John Udo Ekpo, a medical practitioner, in Ireland in 1944 allowed her to further her education at the Rathmines School of Domestic Economy in Dublin, where she studied for a diploma in domestic science. Upon returning to Aba in Eastern Nigeria, her husband began working at Aba General Hospital, while Ekpo established her own domestic science and sewing training school. 

Ekpo鈥檚 introduction to politics was unexpected. Amid growing nationalist demands for independence from British colonial rule, local meetings were convened to protest widespread racial discrimination within the civil service. Her husband鈥檚 status as a government-employed doctor restricted his political involvement, leading Ekpo to attend these gatherings on his behalf. As the only woman present, she witnessed impassioned speeches by figures like and Herbert Macaulay, which inspired her to take action. Added to this was her observation of the rampant discrimination in the colonial medical sector, where Nigerian staff suffered unequal pay, inferior working conditions, and limited advancement opportunities. Colonial healthcare facilities were initially reserved exclusively for European officers, with access later extended to their local employees. Nigerian medical personnel, however, were prohibited from treating European patients.

Working alongside Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, a key influence in Ekpo鈥檚 life, Ekpo actively advocated for women鈥檚 education, total independence from colonial rule, and universal adult suffrage. This advocacy was particularly crucial during the 1940s, an era when Nigerian women remained disenfranchised. It stayed this way even through 1951, when adult taxpayer suffrage was introduced, but it still excluded most women.聽

The task before Ekpo was clear: mobilise the women in Aba and its surrounding towns. Her vision began with the creation of the Aba Township Women Association (ATWA)聽 and an ingenious strategy using salt.聽

Following the Second World War, Nigeria faced widespread commodity shortages, particularly of salt. Following her shrewd plan, Ekpo acquired the entire salt supply in the Aba Market and tied access to it to ATWA membership. Women seeking to purchase salt were required to join the association, rapidly consolidating local women into a cohesive socio-political organisation. ATWA would evolve into a formidable political force, collaborating with the Aba Community League and the Aba Market Women鈥檚 Association to advance anti-colonial discourse, promote civic participation, and successfully dismantle the male monopoly on local governance by electing female representatives to the Aba Urban District Council.聽

In 1957, Ekpo鈥檚 own influence was formalised when she was appointed to the Aba Urban District Council Caretaker Committee. Despite making her mark locally, Ekpo had grander ambitions.

As a prominent member of the National Council of Nigerians and Cameroons (NCNC), Eastern Nigeria鈥檚 main political party, Ekpo served as the region’s sole female delegate at the London constitutional conference in 1953 and the Lagos constitution conference in 1954, ensuring women’s interests were represented throughout the nation’s constitutional negotiations. 

In January 1959, she achieved a historic breakthrough alongside Janet Mokelu, with their appointment as Special Members to the Eastern House of Chiefs, a traditionally male-dominated institution. 

Despite this and her significant influence among voters, when Ekpo sought nomination for the Eastern House of Assembly elections in 1957, the party hierarchy refused to endorse female candidates, blocking her candidacy. She persevered within the party structure, ultimately taking over the leadership of the NCNC women鈥檚 wing in 1960 鈥� the year that Nigeria celebrated its independence.

E-Jay (29) has lived in France and C么te d鈥橧voire before settling in Ghana. From pretending to like Shatta Wale to avoid trouble to having a traditional marriage with a Ghanaian woman, he tells us about navigating life as a Nigerian in Ghana and the things he misses about home.

Where do you live at the moment, and when did you leave Nigeria?

I live in Cape Coast, the capital of Ghana’s Central Region. I’m a curious person, so I鈥檝e moved around quite a bit. My first international trip was to France for tourism in November 2024. France felt like a European capital of Africa because of the large number of Africans living there.

After that, I moved to Abidjan, C么te d鈥橧voire, where I spent about a year despite being an English speaker. I’m now based in Ghana, where I don’t need a Google Translate app to communicate.

You’re quite the traveler. So, when did you arrive in Ghana?

That was April 2025.

Was leaving Nigeria always the plan?

Yes. I’ve always wanted to explore beyond Nigeria’s borders. I sometimes identify as a cosmopolitan.

What was life like in Nigeria before you relocated?

It was okay at a point. Before I left for France, there was a massive layoff at the New York-based tech company I worked for remotely. I thought I was immune because I was the creative director, but when the layoff letters came in, all the Nigerians were laid off.

I had literally sacked people myself before, but this time, I experienced what it felt like to be in their shoes. Then I had to deal with paying half a million naira in rent for a duplex in Osogbo without any income coming in. That became my next headache, and I realised there was nothing much Nigeria has to offer the youth.

Why do you say this?

For me, Nigeria is facing serious issues as a state. I’m not saying other countries are better overall. We can see the situation facing young people in France and the high unemployment rates in C么te d鈥橧voire, Benin, Togo, Ghana and other African countries. These are countries I’ve visited, and they’re not necessarily better off.

But life in Nigeria is unnecessarily very tough. A large percentage of the population can relate to that reality.

Really, was that the reason why you decided to leave?

Yes, I could say that. I lost the job that was sustaining me and it was hard trying to figure things out.

Then I developed a friendship with a politician’s son in Ghana through my TikTok live. He was willing to help me get settled should I ever decide to relocate to Ghana. So, it naturally became easy to leave Nigeria because I had accommodation sorted out, a friend waiting to welcome me into his family, and a whole community in Ekumfi District Area. But then, I decided to try other countries. It was when they didn’t work out that I decided to move to Ghana. 

You could have just relocated to Ghana in the first place. Why didn’t you?

With what I had left, I wanted to explore Italy and try my luck there. I even worked toward a 10-year passport because the plan was to stay longer in Europe on a work permit visa. Before considering Italy, I was also close to starting a relocation process to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) with a budget of under 鈧�3 million. Like the Italian offer, it came with a job and accommodation.

Unfortunately, after I dropped the UAE option in favour of Italy, the person handling my documents in Italy relocated to Turkey. I was left stranded in the middle of the process, having wasted a lot of resources. Regardless, I’ve always wanted to explore beyond my home country. France worked out, but honestly, I also wanted to test the waters and see what life was like on the other side.

Then came Ghana?

Ghana was a last resort. There was nothing particularly special about it at first, except that it was close to home, relatively affordable to move to, and its currency was performing better than the naira. So I thought, why not?

So besides your friendship in Ghana, what else prompted your decision to move there at that moment?

The main reason was never about proximity. It was really about my analysis of Ghana鈥檚 economic growth and where I saw it going. The business opportunities for Africans and how much my potential success could enable me to invest back in both countries. 

How did you fund your move to Ghana?

My budget for France was just 鈧�2.6 million. I also had support from friends who helped ensure I had enough money reflected in my bank statements. The process was cumbersome and tiring. I spent just one week in France. In C么te d鈥橧voire, I secured a gig with a fashion brand strategist from Switzerland. It felt good to start earning a decent income again.

However, the system there was similar to France’s. I wasn’t used to paying rent, electricity and water bills every month. I was paying about 鈧�300,000 for a self-contained apartment every 30 days.

I could afford to relax occasionally, and my job gave me opportunities to do so. I was always around models who loved the sound of Nigerian Pidgin English and the little French I managed to speak.

On moving to Ghana, I had managed to save up to 鈧�1.3 million from my job in Ivory Coast. CFA was three times more than Naira. With accommodation sorted out, and all thanks to the ECOWAS visa-free agreement, I didn’t get to spend as much as I did for France. 

Quite a lot of movement. What was your family’s reaction when you told them you were relocating again, and this time to Ghana?

My family found out after I had already arrived. They were quite surprised but they were already used to my spontaneous travels even within Nigeria. I’ve visited all four cardinal points of my home country.

What was your first impression of Ghana when you arrived?

Accra is dope. It was the first place I stayed before moving to Cape Coast. I love the clean beaches, especially the free public ones. I also enjoy a particular beer, and I like how drinks have barcodes on their bottle caps. Those impressed me.

What surprised you most about living in Ghana?

The culture shock goes beyond how the food is prepared or how almost every woman I’ve seen makes me turn my head to admire their figure. God is great! But the biggest surprise has been how much Ghanaians actually like Nigerians.

Really? Besides the Ghana-must-go history and jollof rice competition?

At first, I was worried about how I might be treated, knowing the history behind the Ghana-must-go saga. But I discovered that Ghanaians genuinely like us. Forget the social media banter.

So which jollof rice is the best?

Hmm, I had Ghana jollof rice from two special places. My friend’s family house and a lady I grew fond of. There are levels to this jollof debate.  Ghana wins on this one.

Are you scared of what they will do to you if you pick Nigerian jollof

Ahh, not at all. I’ve tasted both and I just feel like Ghana jollof is better. 

Apart from the beautiful people and places, what was the biggest challenge you faced during your first few months?

The biggest challenge was finding a job. Ghana’s policies are designed to prioritise Ghanaians, which is understandable. Without a Ghana Card, you can’t easily secure a job.

Before I started building my tech brand, Blackbox Group, I managed to get a job through a friend at a fishing company. I could earn between 100 and 300 cedis a day, which was around 鈧�10,000 to 鈧�30,000 at the time. However, currency conversion and reality don’t always align. Eventually, I used what I could earn to bootstrap Blackbox in the blue-collar industry.

Was the difficulty in getting a job your personal experience, or is it a general thing?

It’s a national policy. It鈥檚 a common experience for most Nigerians. Nigerians go as far as looking for ways to obtain the national card illegally out of desperation. 

Do you have your Ghana Card already?

I haven’t gotten it. Getting a Ghana Card literally means you’re becoming a citizen. So there are a whole lot of processes involved. But they also offer a similar card known as the non-citizen Ghana Card. I’m in the process of getting that instead. It doesn’t come with all the benefits of having a Ghana Card, but it still gets you some things.

How easy was it to find accommodation and settle into your new environment?

I had a bit of a soft landing in Ghana through the relationship I had built with the politician鈥檚 son. So I didn’t really struggle with rent initially, and I settled quite comfortably. However, accommodation can be expensive when converted from cedis to naira, depending on the location.

How does the cost of living in Ghana compare with Nigeria?

As it stands, Cedis ranks among the top 10 strongest currencies in Africa when compared to the USD. That’s currency value in theory.

Although the cedi is stronger than the naira against the US dollar, that doesn’t necessarily mean Ghanaians have greater purchasing power. The cost of goods and services in Ghana can still be higher than what Nigerians pay for the same things at home.

Back in Nigeria, I can afford to relock my hair with a stylist for as low as, say, 鈧�5,000 in Abuja, or less somewhere like Osun. And these are even at salons where you get great services. In Ghana, it was a different experience. Even in the countryside, the lowest charge for dreads relocking begins at 100 Cedis. That’s a bit above 鈧�10, 000.

Electricity is stable, and some basic social amenities are easily available in Ghana compared to Nigeria. However, they can be quite expensive compared with what you would pay for them in Nigeria.

The advantage of earning in cedis becomes more noticeable when you work remotely and earn an income that doesn’t depend on the realities of the local economy. Otherwise, you have to deal with the cost of living there.

Nice, so do you work remotely now?

Yes, I have a few gigs , but I also have a personal project that’s running.聽

Must be nice building a strong footing in Ghana. Have you experienced any discrimination or hostility as a Nigerian in Ghana?

I wouldn鈥檛 say I have. Although you have to know how to navigate some conversations as a foreigner; otherwise, you will find yourself in trouble.

Conversations like what?

One is publicly saying you don’t like Shatta Wale or that you prefer Stonebwoy; that can get you into trouble as a Ghanaian, let alone as a Nigerian who takes pride in Nigerian music.

I’ve found myself in situations where I had to admit that I liked Shatta Wale because I could sense the possibility of violence from a mile away. As an independent artist too, I’ve also learnt to understand why Shatta Wale is so loved. Particularly among the , he makes them believe that nothing is impossible.

The Big Daily is your weekday shortcut to the biggest news shaping Nigeria. We cut through the noise, connect the dots, and explain why the news actually matters, all in one quick read.

What鈥檚 the deal with your music career?

I have been writing more. No studio sessions for now, but I do intend to hold the mic when it feels right again. I’m currently looking at acapella performances for a particular song I wrote recently. It draws me to the works of Fela and Marley.

What do you enjoy most about living in Ghana?

Ghana is such a peaceful country. You don’t see kidnapping headlines back to back. Crime is low, and the people are accommodating. I also love the clean, free public beaches. Being able to relax by the beach without having to pay for everything is something I enjoy. It gives people a chance to come together.

Are you saying Nigeria doesn’t have all of these things?

Most of the beaches in Nigeria are private. And kidnapping is looking like a big-time business. I believe it would discourage more people from travelling within the country, especially during the festive period ahead of us.

What do you miss most about Nigeria?

I occasionally travel back to Nigeria to see my family. During those visits, I realise how much you can miss a country that sometimes troubles your peace. Eating the food you grew up with is a different feeling. It reminds you of how much you’ve missed home.

Above all, I miss the freedom that comes with being in your own country. In a foreign country, I tend to act very timidly. 

Could you share one or two examples of the freedom you鈥檝e lost?

Financial freedom through international land banking and direct real estate investments. As a Nigerian citizen, I can legally own land anywhere in Nigeria with ease, unlike here. I have had the opportunity to own a piece of Ghana, but I don’t have the luxury of purchasing it outright because it takes more processes and scrutiny to acquire land or property in Ghana.

There’s also this freedom of expression that you don’t get to enjoy to the fullest. You are a foreigner so you are walking on eggshells. Law enforcement agents approach you differently. So, I tried to avoid any issue whatsoever.

Do you see yourself returning to Nigeria at some point in the future?

I鈥檓 not sure yet. I haven’t said this publicly before, but I had a traditional marriage introduction in Ghana. I wanted to marry a Fante woman, and I thought that would have given me a reason to stay here. By tradition, I’m married, but for personal reasons, the relationship eventually fell apart. I’m open to finding a new partner, but I’m not in a hurry. So whether I settle permanently in Ghana will depend on what happens next.

So you mean you’re not legally married?

Not legally married. I didn’t do that. 

How does one break up a traditional marriage in Ghana?

You return what they call the Knocking Fee.

Would you still want to have a Ghanaian partner?

Of course, if she happens to be a partner that sees and supports my vision.

What advice would you give to Nigerians considering a move to Ghana?

Be open to starting with a blue-collar job. Be willing to learn the local languages, or come with a skill that can earn you money because it has value. You can also come with the mindset of a businessperson.

If you embark on the journey purely as an adventurer, full of hope but without money, you might end up contributing to a negative narrative about Nigeria. There are so many Nigerians on the streets of different countries selling their souls to survive. Don’t be that person.

On a scale of one to ten, how would you rate your experience living in Ghana?

I’d give it a nine out of ten.

The document is still a draft, and the government is the public until November 27 before further consideration of its approval. 

The idea is to give economic policies staying power. But if the government wants to turn its economic playbook into a rulebook for future presidents, there are a few things Nigerians should consider.

Policy continuity is not the bad guy

Imagine spending years building a house, only for the next owner to demolish the walls because they prefer a different paint colour. That is what happens when governments abandon useful policies simply because their predecessors introduced them.

Nigeria has examples of reforms that successive administrations have continued.

Take telecommunications. In 2001, Olusegun Obasanjo鈥檚 federal government up the GSM market to private operators, helping transform how Nigerians communicate. The sector from fewer than 500,000 telephone lines around the year 2000 to millions of mobile connections in the years that followed. Successive governments the regulatory framework and supported further investment instead of starting the industry afresh every four years.聽

Electricity is another example. Nigeria鈥檚 power sector led to the unbundling of the former Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN) and the privatisation of generation and distribution companies in 2013. 

That reform was continued and remains in place today. Its are debatable and have remained uneven. The lesson, however, is that reforms need continuity, investment and proper oversight to deliver results.

Successive governments should build on previous efforts, fix what is failing and work to improve the electricity supply Nigerians receive instead of treating the sector as a fresh experiment. 

Continuity can , build investor confidence and give long-term projects time to deliver. Businesses are unlikely to invest confidently when tax rules, trade policies and regulations can with every new administration.

But beyond the good reasons

The government has a point in wanting continuity, but there’s more to it, and we need to unpack what this really means for Nigerians and future governments. 

Firstly, who decides when a policy has outlived its usefulness? A policy can be well-intentioned and still fail. It can also work initially and become unsuitable when circumstances change.

That is why the idea of legally locking future governments into an economic framework deserves careful consideration.

Take Nigeria鈥檚 tax reforms. The new tax laws in January 2026, but by September 17, the Federal Government had begun a to address implementation gaps, ambiguities and unintended consequences.

The review issues including Value Added Tax (VAT) thresholds, withholding tax and capital gains treatment. These are not imaginary concerns. They are issues the government itself has need attention.  

Now imagine a future administration discovering that a policy is hurting small businesses or placing an unreasonable burden on low-income households. Should it be able to amend that policy after presenting its evidence, consulting affected Nigerians and following the law? Or should it have to preserve the original framework because the previous government already made a law that forbids any form of change? 

The current administration is or some of its own reforms. So, a framework that protects the underlying principles of sound economic management could be useful, but one that makes specific policies unnecessarily difficult to change could preserve mistakes alongside successes.

And who decides which policies deserve permanent protection? The government of today cannot know every economic challenge Nigeria will face in the next ten or twenty years.

The Big Daily is your weekday shortcut to the biggest news shaping Nigeria. We cut through the noise, connect the dots, and explain why the news actually matters, all in one quick read.

A law cannot replace accountability

There is a difference between establishing institutions that promote stability and making it harder for elected governments to change direction.

Nigeria can protect transparent public spending, responsible borrowing, predictable regulation and proper assessments of the costs and benefits of policies. For example, requires the Federal Government to conduct its fiscal and financial affairs transparently, including through the disclosure and publication of decisions involving public revenue and expenditure.

These are standards future administrations should uphold. Governments should also explain the likely costs and benefits of major economic policies and publish evidence of their results, so Nigerians can judge whether those policies are working or not.

The FG鈥檚 proposed framework itself reportedly policy impact assessments before major economic interventions and an annual National Economic Scorecard measuring outcomes such as real wages, productive employment and poverty.

Those are ideas worth examining. If governments must explain the likely costs of their decisions and publish evidence of what their policies achieve, Nigerians will have a better basis for judging them.

But the public should also be able to hold governments accountable when the evidence shows that a policy is failing. A law should not turn an economic strategy into a sacred text that nobody is allowed to edit.

Section 4 of Nigeria’s Constitution federal legislative powers in the National Assembly. Any proposal to bind future administrations must therefore be examined carefully, including how it would interact with constitutional powers, existing legislation and the ability of future National Assemblies to amend the law.

What can Nigerians do about it?

The proposal is still open to public consultation, which means Nigerians have an opportunity to make their views heard before the framework moves through the approval process.

The Federal Ministry of Finance鈥檚  Economic Policy Framework contains the proposed Nigeria Economic Policy Framework and accompanying consultation materials. The stated deadline for public submissions is November 27, 2026.

If you support the proposal, you can make the case for predictable economic policies, stronger institutions and safeguards against politically motivated reversals. You can also ask for clearer rules explaining how policies will be reviewed when they stop working.

If you oppose giving the framework binding legal force, you can explain why future administrations should be allowed to change policies after public consultation, legislative scrutiny and evidence-based assessment. You can suggest alternatives, such as mandatory impact assessments, transparent reporting and regular independent reviews.

Citizens can also their representatives in the National Assembly and follow the proposal as it moves through the approval process.

The important thing is to engage with the actual proposal, identify what should be protected and ask what safeguards will keep it accountable to Nigerians.

Policy continuity can help a country move forward. But a government must also leave room for the next government to learn, adapt and correct mistakes. Nigeria needs institutions that make good policies last and give bad policies a fair chance to be fixed.

The post went viral, poured in, and the video eventually disappeared from his page. But the First Lady later that she had donated the vehicles to the APC youth wing for grassroots mobilisation.

Fair enough. The are less than three months away, and political parties need people to move around. But seven shiny SUVs are an expensive way to tell people to go and mobilise.

There are better things to do with that money

CFAO Mobility, Toyota鈥檚 official distributor in Nigeria, the Prado Adventure at about 鈧�160 million and the Premium version at 鈧�190 million. Depending on the model, seven of them could cost between 鈧�1.12 billion and 鈧�1.33 billion.

That is a lot of money to put on four wheels. So, what else could a sum in that neighbourhood do?

1. Renovate and equip up to 14 primary health centres

For many Nigerians, going to a primary health centre (PHC) can feel like travelling to a place that exists mainly on paper. Some lack basic equipment, others struggle with staffing, and many communities still have to look elsewhere for care.

On August 3 2026, The PUNCH that 6,516 primary health centres across the country remained non-functional, citing data from the National Primary Health Care Development Agency.

A Trust Radio of the 2025 budget found PHC renovation and equipment projects costing between 鈧�75 million and 鈧�150 million. Some projects were budgeted at 鈧�90 million in Kaduna State and 鈧�125 million in Ekiti State.

At those rates, the estimated cost of the seven Prados could renovate and equip about seven to 14 primary health centres.

That is seven to 14 more places where pregnant women could seek care, parents could take sick children, and residents could get basic medical attention without having to travel miles in search of help.

2. Pay nearly 1,200 teachers for a year

A classroom can have desks, a chalkboard and a school bell that rings with great enthusiasm. Without a teacher, however, it is mostly a room full of children waiting for something to happen.

In August 2026, the Federal Ministry of Education鈥檚 Digital Nigeria Education Management Information System showed that Nigeria is facing a , with 31,827,244 learners relying on 592,077 teachers, translating to an average learner-teacher ratio of 53.8 to one.  Nigeria鈥檚 public schools , and the money attached to seven luxury SUVs could help put more of them in classrooms.

Zamfara State鈥檚 Ministry of Education has a costed teacher recruitment that puts the annual cost of a basic education teacher in 2026 at 鈧�936,000, including salary, housing and allowances.

Using that figure, 鈧�1.12 billion could cover the annual costs of about 1,196 teachers. Even at the lower end of the Prado estimate, that is a small army of teachers. At the upper end, the money could stretch further.

Imagine nearly 1,200 teachers spending a school year teaching children to read, write, solve maths problems and, hopefully, stop believing that every difficult question in an exam is a personal attack.

3. Build or rehabilitate about 2.7 kilometres

Anyone who has spent 40 minutes navigating a road that looks like a war zone would understand what it means to have a smooth ride.

In July 2025, Osun State a 鈧�5.7 billion contract for a 13.785-kilometre section of the Osogbo鈥揑wo road project. That works out at roughly 鈧�414 million per kilometre.

Using that project鈥檚 average cost, 鈧�1.12 billion could cover approximately 2.7 kilometres of road construction or rehabilitation.

That means smoother trips to work, easier access to markets, and fewer journeys where passengers silently pray for their car鈥檚 suspension. For traders and farmers, better roads can also make moving goods around less expensive and less stressful.

2.7 kilometres might not sound like much until you are the person who uses that stretch every day.

4. Build up to 40 classrooms聽

A school needs more than a signboard and a bell to educate children. It needs actual classrooms where pupils can learn without squeezing into overcrowded spaces or dilapidated buildings.

A Trust Radio of the 2025 federal budget鈦� found that 鈧�650 million was budgeted for 10 blocks of two modern classrooms each in Nasarawa State. The project included offices, storage, furniture and solar-powered installations, putting the cost at 鈧�65 million per block.

Using that budget estimate, 鈧�1.12 billion鈥撯偊1.33 billion could fund 34鈥�40 classrooms across 17鈥�20 blocks.

That means more pupils could have a proper place to learn, with furniture and basic facilities, instead of treating a crowded classroom like a musical show or local football viewing centre. 

5. About nine ambulances for Nigerians

On October 23 2025, the Federal Capital Territory Administration (FCTA) 鈧�1.74 billion for 12 Toyota Hiace high-roof ambulances to improve emergency response. That works out to roughly 鈧�145 million per ambulance.

At that rate, the estimated 鈧�1.12 billion鈥撯偊1.33 billion for seven Prado SUVs could buy about 7鈥�9 ambulances.

That is more vehicles to rush pregnant women to hospitals, transport accident victims and get medical help to people who cannot afford to wait for an ambulance that may never come.

6. Up to 25 police vehicles聽

In September 2026, the Sokoto State Government 鈧�1.592 billion for 30 Toyota Hilux vehicles to strengthen security operations. That works out at about 鈧�53.1 million per vehicle.

Using that procurement rate, the estimated cost of seven Prado SUVs could buy about 21鈥�25 Toyota Hilux vehicles for security operations.

That is more vehicles for officers to respond to distress calls, patrol communities, and reach crime scenes. Because criminals do not exactly send calendar invites before showing up, a functional patrol vehicle can make a difference.

The Big Daily is your weekday shortcut to the biggest news shaping Nigeria. We cut through the noise, connect the dots, and explain why the news actually matters, all in one quick read.

7. Feed about 14,800 pupils for a school year

In September 2025, the Federal Government plans to expand its National Home-Grown School Feeding Programme, with meals estimated to cost between 鈧�500 and 鈧�1,000 per child daily. The programme aims to tackle hunger and encourage school attendance among children. Nairametrics reported the figures鈦�.

Assuming 180 school days in a year, the estimated cost of seven Prados could provide daily meals for about 6,200鈥�14,800 pupils for an entire school year.

That is thousands of children who could spend less time trying to learn on an empty stomach and more time concentrating on their lessons. For some families, it could also mean one less meal to worry about paying for every school day.

Seven Prados or a lot of public services?

Political parties have the right to choose how to equip their campaign teams. But when the donor is the First Lady, the wife of a sitting president, the price tag raises questions about where the money is coming from and how these priorities are being set. 

That amount also offers a glimpse of what a billion naira can achieve when it is spent on things people rely on every day. And would it not be a better campaign strategy if the money were spent on the general public?

In June 2026, Oluremi Tinubu she had donated 鈧�2 billion towards tuberculosis interventions, 鈧�1 billion for breast cancer and 鈧�500 million to tackle malnutrition. Around the same time, she Nigerians that starting businesses such as frying akara, roasting corn and making kuli-kuli did not require much money, adding that her gave grants rather than loans. 

The remarks drew criticism from Nigerians who felt that small-scale trading was being presented as an answer to economic hardship on a scale that required much more.

Now, the First Lady has confirmed donating Prado SUVs to the APC youth wing for grassroots mobilisation ahead of the 2027 elections. 

A Prado can carry a party organiser from one community to another, but a functioning health centre can care for an entire community. A teacher can help hundreds of children learn, while a decent road can make life easier for everyone who uses it, including the people driving those SUVs.

The vehicles are meant to help the APC reach voters in 2027. But Nigerians who need a clinic, a teacher or a road are also waiting for leaders to show up for them.

In October 2020, Mbah Nicholas Ugochukwu was living in Ojo, Lagos, where he ran a barbershop聽 while building other businesses. When the #EndSARS protests began, he joined because he wanted to stand up for the rights of Nigerians, having experienced harassment from SARS officers himself. Nine days after one of the protests, he was arrested and sent to prison where he would remain for eight months for a crime he didn’t commit. Six years later, Nicholas is still trying to rebuild his life after losing his business, home and sense of security.聽This is his story, as told to Babatunde.

At the time, I was living in Ojo, Lagos State. On that day, October 20 2020, we had held a protest at Ojo, and it ended peacefully. There was no fighting or destruction of property. However, later that day around 7pm, we heard about what had happened at the Lekki tollgate.

Nine days later, on October 29, 2020, I went to open my barbershop. I had to visit the bank to obtain some official documents for an online business I wanted to start, so I left the shop half-closed after opening for the day.

After I finished at the bank, I stepped outside and waited for a keke (tricycle) to take me back to my shop. Suddenly, a Hilux van stopped in front of me, and before I could say anything, five men stepped out.

One of them shouted that they recognised me and knew I was among the people who had participated in the protests. Before I could react, they pounced on me and started dragging me away. By then, I was already weak from the beating. They collected everything I had on me, threw me into the back of the car, and drove off to Ojo Police Station. 

When we arrived, they told the Police officers that I was one of the coordinators of the #EndSARS protests. At the mention of this, the officers immediately started beating me up before locking me up.

I asked to make a phone call so I could inform my family and friends about my whereabouts, but they refused. Even when I could hear my phone ringing and see that messages were coming in, they wouldn’t give it to me.

I spent two days at the station without being allowed to eat or contact anybody. I was just there.

Inside the cell, I met two other men. One of them told me he was a tricycle driver who had been arrested while picking up passengers.

After two days, the officers brought us outside and told us to write statements. They wanted us to write statements that would implicate us. I refused because I didn’t understand why I had been arrested in the first place. I insisted that I wanted to make a phone call instead. Eventually, one of the officers wrote a statement on my behalf.

That same day, some policemen arrived in a minibus and took us to the State Criminal Investigation Department (SCID) in Panti. The officers from Ojo handed over everything they had collected from me to the officers there before throwing me into a cell. The beating I received at Panti was the worst of my life.

A few weeks before my arrest, I had undergone surgery for haemorrhoids and was still recovering. The beatings made my recovery even more difficult. I had joined the protests despite my health condition because I wanted to defend this country and our rights as citizens.

I had also experienced terrible treatment at the hands of SARS officers because of the way I dressed. At the time, I was trying to pursue a music career, and I wore dreadlocks; that hairstyle caused me several arrests..

Back in the Panti cell, my condition continued to deteriorate. I hadn’t recovered fully from the surgery, and I had been beaten repeatedly. I appealed to the officers to let me take the injections and medication I needed to recover, but they refused.

Accused of armed robbery, arson and rioting

I spent six days in the cell at Panti with other detainees. On the sixth day, we were taken to the Yaba Magistrate Court.

The magistrate joined me and the tricycle driver I had met at Ojo Police Station as co-defendants. We were charged with armed robbery, arson and rioting.

The magistrate asked whether we understood the charges. I raised my hand and told him I didn’t understand them. I didn’t even know why I had been brought before the court.

The court clerk read the charges again and asked if I understood. I maintained that I didn’t. I explained that the police hadn’t told me what crime I had committed when they arrested me, that nobody had informed me I would be brought to court on those charges, and that I didn’t have a lawyer.

After that, they handcuffed the two of us, took us back to the vehicle and drove us to Panti.

By then, my girlfriend knew I was being held there. She later told me she had seen my picture circulating online when we were taken to court. People were already against my arrest and demanding my release.

Early the following morning, at about 2 a.m., the officers brought us out. There were about 90 men and a woman. They packed us into a bus and drove us to in Apapa.

The journey was extremely uncomfortable, and I was in terrible pain. Almost everyone on the bus was coughing.

Life lnside Kirikiri

Life in prison was difficult from the moment I arrived. I was already injured, my health was deteriorating, and I wasn’t receiving the medical attention I needed.

The conditions in the cell were terrible. There was no proper medical treatment, and the only food available to us was dry garri. I was struggling physically and mentally.

When people arrived at the prison, they were welcomed as 鈥渧isitors鈥�. The officials would read the rules to them and explain that the laws governing life inside the prison were different from those governing the outside world.

You could imagine the level of control we were under. If you laughed, you had to explain why you were laughing. If you farted, you had to explain why you had done it.

I didn’t understand most of what was happening around me. Nobody was allowed to visit me during this period.

When my family brought food, the prison officials would collect it, take some for themselves and give me what remained. I only found out later that this was happening.

On my way back from court, some inmates assaulted me because they had seen my girlfriend give me money. They beat me to collect it. It was a terrible experience.

Even while I was in prison, people knew about my case. Whenever other inmates returned from court, they would ask who I was because my face had become familiar around the court premises. People were demanding my release.

The parts I still struggle to talk about

The entire experience is difficult for me to discuss because I haven’t healed from it. There are things I cannot share. Even talking about some of them now makes me uncomfortable and brings back painful memories.

One experience that continues to torment me happened at Kirikiri. There is a place in the prison called Angola. That is where new arrivals are taken when they first get there, and you are made to stay for five days.

You remain in darkness throughout that period. What makes it worse is that you are beaten mercilessly every day. Imagine being flogged from every direction in a dark room where you cannot even see who is beating you. They beat you until you collapse, then leave you alone for the rest of the day.

Those five days were hell for me.

Afterwards, you are taken to meet the people in charge of the prison. They assess your financial capacity and start demanding money from you.

They first pay prison officials to secure their position over you, then  they make financial demands on you to recover what they have spent. If you refuse to keep paying, or they cannot recover what they believe you owe them, they make life difficult for you.

They also took a share of whatever my family brought for me.

There were churches and mosques inside the prison, so I started attending church. I had to pay money to be allowed out of the cell to attend the service.

That was how I tried to keep myself sane. I had been damaged physically and mentally, and I needed something to hold on to.

Court appearances 

While I was in prison, my court appearances kept being missed. I believed this was because the authorities didn’t want my face to appear in court. People were already protesting and demanding my release, and I felt they wanted to keep me away from public attention.

Eventually, my family got a lawyer who took my case seriously. He was the first person I was allowed to see in prison after I had spent months there. By then, the protests calling for my release were becoming more intense.

Eventually, I was taken to court. The prison officials seemed unhappy with the way I looked in public. I had several bodily injuries; I was weak, and I could barely walk. My condition almost caused an issue in court, soI was taken back to prison that day.

Later, I learnt that the prosecution had changed the charges against me. The original charges of armed robbery, arson and rioting were changed to unlawful gathering.

After two months of going back and forth, my lawyer informed me that the case had been dismissed. I was finally free, but the experience had already taken so much from me.

Life after prison

When I got out, my friends and family tried to help me recover mentally. They would spend time with me, engage me in conversations and try to cheer me up. But I knew I had been damaged.

One day, my friends took me out; They bought me a drink, but I didn’t even touch it. I had completely zoned out. They noticed what was happening and left me alone to process whatever I was going through.

I wanted to be by myself and rest. There was so much going through my mind.

I had lost everything, including my bank accounts, apartment, barbershop and other businesses I had invested in.

Fortunately, an had been created to campaign for my release while I was in prison. Through that account, I met someone who gave me money to help me get back on my feet.

I could no longer stay in Lagos. The trauma was too much to bear. Every time I walked along the streets, I was reminded of what I had gone through.

I eventually relocated to Rivers State, where I am trying to rebuild my life, but it is still difficult, even six years later. Some experiences never leave you. There are days when I have no motivation to do anything. 

This country took a lot from me. I am now learning to drive trucks so I can gain the experience required for driving jobs. It is a long road, but I don’t have a choice. I have to find a way to move forward.

Six years later, there is still no accountability

One of the things that hurts me most is that there has been no compensation, no apology and no accountability for what was done to me.

It makes me feel that anybody can do anything in this country and get away with it. That is one of the reasons I believe insecurity and corruption continue to grow.

I testified before the panel set up to investigate the events surrounding the #EndSARS protests. I told them everything I went through, but nothing has been done for me.

Every day, I am reminded that I paid a heavy price for standing up for my rights and those of other Nigerians.

It was hell.

requires the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to publish a preliminary voters register for public scrutiny 90 days before the day of the elections.聽Section 19 (1) of .

As of Thursday, October 22, 2026, 86 days remain until the presidential elections on January 16, 2027.聽 INEC still hasn’t published the voter registration, and the absence of the INEC voters register 2027 online is already threatening the integrity of the upcoming polls.

Several , online conversations, and individual speculation have surrounded this absence of duty from INEC.  On Wednesday, October 21 2026, INEC spokesperson Mohammed Haruna said that the commission at physical registration areas between October 9 and 15, and that they expect to use the objections and feedback from these published registers ahead of December 15, so that they can then publish the final version. 

This simply doesn’t cut it. Section 19 (1) of the 2026 Electoral Act says:

“Subject to the provisions of section 9 (6) of this Act, the Commission shall, not later than 90 days to a general election, appoint a period of seven days during which a copy of the voters鈥� register for each Local Government, Area Council or Ward shall be displayed or published for public scrutiny at every registration area and on its official website or any website established by the Commission for that purpose.”

“鈥�.on its official website”!

So even if INEC did, in fact, publish these registers in registration areas, they still have not been published online, where they would obviously reach most Nigerians. In addition, there is no specific date from the spokesperson’s statement; all we know is that they will try to get the final version (not the preliminary version) before December 15.

In the last election, even with all the reported irregularities, INEC still published the preliminary registration online and in registration areas before the final version was released. So this says a lot about the commission and where we are headed with our electoral processes.

What could this mean for Nigerians and the elections?

For first-time voters, getting around to vote should not be a scavenger hunt. According to INEC, have been recorded ahead of the elections in January. While this is a big addition, registering to vote does not mean everything is settled. They still have to navigate registration updates. Collect their Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs) and make corrections when their information online is not accurate well before election day.

This unfortunate turn of events just means that it gets a lot harder and more complicated from here on. A development that could stop so many people from voting.

Online access matters for people who cannot access registration centres. Given how INEC has about preparing for the elections, this is a grand display of incompetence, and it appears that there is no accountability for the commission’s poor leadership. 

In Nigeria, for both the government and the agencies that are supposed to be independent. When you couple this with the fact that INEC are technically breaking the law, and that the public scrutiny we are being denied is a safeguard against rigging, it becomes evident to see how the public would feel excluded ahead of a critical election. 

So now the key questions are: is there going to be enough time for the people to review the voters register? How do we navigate the register if it does eventually come out or comes out too late? Who is going to hold INEC accountable for this massive mishap? And more importantly, how can we trust INEC ahead of 2027, on top of the already existing public trust that is in the gutters?

What we are looking at appears to be a disappointment in voter trust, electoral transparency, and the everyday Nigerian’s ability to vote without unnecessary stress. 

You cannot ask Nigerians to trust an electoral process they cannot fully inspect. You cannot ask Nigerians to come out en masse if you do not hold up your own end of the bargain. And you most certainly cannot run Nigeria’s democracy on an electoral body that is incompetent without accountability.

Chief Anthony Enahoro went from being celebrated as the “Father of the Nigerian State鈥� for introducing the motion for self-rule on March 31, 1953, to having to flee the country, be extradited, tried and imprisoned for treason shortly after independence.

Born in 1923 in Uromi, in modern-day Edo State, Enahoro was the eldest of 10 children and grew up with a penchant for reading and writing. He received his primary education at the Government Schools in Uromi and Owo, Ondo State, before advancing to . As a student, he rose to prominence within student activist circles, organising several demonstrations against British colonial rule in the 1940s.

After his early education, he became a journalist, working with the Southern Nigerian Defender. In 1944, at 21 years old, Enahoro鈥檚 strong relationship with Nnamdi Azikiwe led to his appointment as Editor of the Southern Nigerian Defender in Ibadan, making him the youngest newspaper editor in Nigerian history. Over the following decade, he held major editorial roles across the country, including the Daily Comet, the West African Pilot, and the Sapele-based Morning Star.

Enahoro entered formal politics in 1950, co-founding the Mid-West Party with Arthur Prest. Following the party’s integration into the Action Group in 1951, Enahoro was elected to the Federal House of Representatives, where he introduced the historic 1953 parliamentary motion demanding Nigerian self-governance, directly paving the way for full independence in 1960. 

While he seemed to rise quickly in life and career, political instability soon tested his career. During the 1962 Western Region crisis, Enahoro was detained and subsequently implicated in the treason trial against Obafemi Awolowo. He escaped to the United Kingdom through Ghana in 1963; however, the Nigerian government, seeking his extradition under the Fugitive Offenders Act of 1881, complicated his request for asylum.

By 1963, Enahoro had become a household name in Britain due to his fight against extradition. In what would be notably referred to as the Enahoro affair, debates ensued in the House of Commons, and Harold Macmillan鈥檚 Conservative government was forced to balance human rights concerns against diplomatic relations with Nigeria. Despite the uproar, Enahoro was extradited, tried for treason, and imprisoned. He remained in jail until he was freed by the military government in 1966.

Amid the crisis following the 1966 coups, Enahoro represented the Mid-West region at the Ad Hoc Constitutional Conference in Lagos. He subsequently held key ministerial roles in General Yakubu Gowon’s government, serving as Federal Commissioner for Information and Labour from 1967 to 1974 and Federal Commissioner for Special Duties in 1975. Simultaneously, he served as President of the World Festival of Negro Arts and Culture between 1972 and 1975. 

Enahoro鈥檚 commitment to governance extended into pro-democracy advocacy as chairman of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), leading opposition against General Sani Abacha鈥檚 military dictatorship. His civil leadership also encompassed the chairmanship of both the Movement for National Reformation (MNR) and the Pro-National Conference Organisation, PRONACO, advocating for a people-driven constitution and true federalism. 

In recognition of his lifetime achievements, he was awarded an honorary D.Sc. from the University of Benin in 1972, conferred with the Commander of the Order of the Federal Republic (CFR) in 1982, and authored the notable autobiography 鈥楩ugitive Offender鈥�.

Beyond his impact on emphasising Nigeria鈥檚 need for independence, Enahoro鈥檚 story is also remarkable for his impact on the push for women’s rights. He simultaneously challenged the male-dominated Western House of Assembly by sponsoring a motion that highlighted how discriminatory electoral laws routinely excluded women. He stressed that women constituted an important but still unrepresented interest. 

He successfully petitioned the government to exercise its constitutional powers to appoint qualified, high-integrity female members to the regional legislature, leading to the historic appointment of Remilekun Aiyedun in the Western Region. This set a powerful precedent across regional parliaments and paved the way for activists like Margaret Ekpo to be appointed to decision-making bodies in the East, cementing women鈥檚 rightful place in Nigerian civic affairs.

Some are household names, some are political veterans, and some will have you asking, 鈥淲ho gave this person my number?鈥�

Before the campaign posters, rallies, and 鈥�4+4鈥� arguments take over the country, we’ve compiled a list of the people asking Nigerians for the biggest political job in the country.

Bola Ahmed Tinubu 鈥� All Progressives Congress (APC)

The incumbent.

Tinubu has been president since 2023 and is back on the ballot seeking a second term.

Before becoming president, Tinubu had already spent decades in Nigerian politics. He was in 1992 on the platform of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), representing Lagos West, before becoming involved in the pro-democracy National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) following the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election. He in 1994 during the General Sani Abacha military era and returned to Nigeria in 1998.

In 1999, he the Lagos governorship on the Alliance for Democracy (AD) platform and served two terms until 2007. After leaving office, he became a key figure in the creation of the Action Congress (AC), which later became the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). In 2013, the ACN joined the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and other groups the (APC), which went on to defeat the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the 2015 presidential election.

According to the credentials he submitted to INEC, he was born in 1952 and holds a BSc in Business Administration from Chicago State University, which he obtained in 1979.

He already has the job. Now he’s asking Nigerians to renew the subscription.

Atiku Abubakar 鈥� African Democratic Congress (ADC)

The serial contender.

Atiku is a former vice president and one of Nigeria’s most experienced presidential candidates.

He served as vice president from 1999 to 2007 under former President Olusegun Obasanjo, and has chased the presidency since the 1990s. He contested the SDP presidential primary in 1993, ran under the Action Congress (AC) in 2007, fought for the PDP ticket in 2011, contested the APC primary in 2015, and flew the PDP flag in 2019 and 2023.

For 2027, he is flying the flag, with former Minister of Transport and Governor of Rivers State, Rotimi Amaechi, as his running mate. 

Peter Obi 鈥� Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC)

The man whose supporters have a name for themselves.

Obi was governor of Anambra State from 2006 to 2014, with his tenure briefly interrupted by by the courts. Before politics, he worked in banking and business.

He later Atiku Abubakar’s running mate on the PDP ticket in the 2019 presidential election before the party for the Labour Party in 2022. 

His 2023 Labour Party (LP) campaign turned him into one of the biggest names in Nigerian politics, with the 鈥淥bidient鈥� movement becoming a major force online and offline.

In December 2025, Obi left the LP to the ADC. Their marriage didn’t last long as he the NDC in May 2026, saying he wanted to avoid the internal crisis and litigation the ADC was facing. 

This time, he’s contesting under the , with the former governor of Kano State, Rabiu Kwankwaso, as his running mate. 

Seyi Makinde 鈥� Allied People鈥檚 Movement (APM)

The engineer turned politician.

Before becoming governor, studied Electrical Engineering at the University of Lagos and graduated in 1990. He worked with Shell and other oil and gas companies before founding Makon Engineering and Technical Services in 1997, which grew into the Makon Group. 

His first at elective office came before his governorship. He contested the Oyo South senatorial seat in 2007 and sought the PDP ticket for the same seat in 2011, but neither attempt resulted in a nomination or election victory. He later ran for Oyo State governor under the Social Democratic Party in 2015 but lost. 

Makinde eventually secured the PDP’s governorship ticket and the Oyo State governorship in 2019. He was re-elected in 2023 and is now serving his second term.

For 2027, he’s seeking the presidency under the APM. From Agodi Government House to Aso Rock is quite a journey.

Sandy Onor 鈥� Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)

The professor. 

Onor is a former senator representing Cross River Central and a former governorship candidate in Cross River State.

His has stretched from local government to the state executive and federal legislature. He was chairman of Etung Local Government Area, served as a commissioner for Agriculture and later Environment in Cross River State, and represented Cross River Central in the Senate from 2019 to 2023.

He is also an academic, having studied History at the University of Calabar and obtained a PhD in History from the same institution.

In May 2022, he as the PDP’s candidate for the Cross River governorship and challenged the eventual winner, Bassey Otu, in the 2023 election, before the PDP’s 2027 presidential candidate by consensus in May 2026. 

This time, he’s hoping his political CV can take him all the way to Aso Rock.

Omoyele Sowore 鈥� African Action Congress (AAC)

The activist. 

Sowore is a journalist, activist and founder of .

His political activism dates back to his university days, when he participated in student protests at the University of Lagos. He later founded Sahara Reporters and became one of Nigeria’s most prominent government critics.

He the (AAC) in 2018 and ran for president under the party in both 2019 and 2023, and is now a third swing at the presidency. His political activism has also included the #RevolutionNow protests, for which he was by the State Security Service (SSS) in 2019.

His INEC credentials include a master’s degree in Public Administration from Columbia University and a BSc in Geography and Regional Planning from the University of Lagos.

Adewole Adebayo 鈥� Social Democratic Party (SDP)

The lawyer.

Adebayo is a lawyer and businessman who the ‘s presidential candidate in 2023. He’s back for under the same party.

His political agenda has included economic diversification, industrialisation, agriculture and constitutional reforms. 

One thing is clear: he’s not new to this presidential business.

Donald Duke 鈥� Peoples Redemption Party (PDP)

The former governor seeking another shot.

Duke Cross River State from 1999 to 2007, winning two terms on the PDP platform. His administration became associated with tourism, urban development, investment and infrastructure in the state.

He later the presidency in 2019 under the Social Democratic Party, after leaving the PDP. 

In January 2026, he Peter Obi to the ADC but departed shortly after to join the PRP, where he has now the party’s presidential ticket for another run at the presidency.

His INEC credentials show that he studied Law at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

Ada Elizabeth Frederick Okwori 鈥� National Democratic Party (NDP)

A new name for many voters.

Okwori is the founder/promoter and chairman of the .

The party’s registration became part of her political story after INEC initially rejected its application. Okwori and the party challenged the decision in court, and the Federal High Court later INEC to register the party in a ruling on February 16, 2026.

Now, she’s that political project all the way to the presidential race.

Peter Agada 鈥� Young Progressives Party (YPP)

The architect.

Agada is an architect and businessman who has he wants to focus on production, grassroots development and getting young Nigerians into the economy.

He is also a former Labour Party presidential aspirant who the YPP in June 2026 after being disqualified from the Labour Party’s presidential primary.

Agada wasn’t initially the party’s choice for the 2027 presidential race. The YPP first Anita Zugwai-Chukwu as its presidential candidate in May 2026. She later withdrew from the race, citing security concerns and the public exposure she would face during the campaign.

The party subsequently held a substitution primary, which Agada won, making him its presidential candidate.

Rufai Adekunle Omoaje 鈥� Action Alliance (AA)

The comeback candidate.

Omoaje is the national chairman of the and a politician from Ede, Osun State.

He as the party’s presidential candidate through a consensus arrangement at its May 2026 convention. His campaign has focused on good governance, national unity, economic development and tackling insecurity.

His political journey has also included a turbulent period within the AA. On February 22, 2025, the party of the party over alleged misconduct and anti-party activities, before he returned to the centre of the party’s politics and emerged as its presidential candidate in 2026.

In other words, he’s not new to political drama.

Sunday Adenuga 鈥� Boot Party (BP)

The chairman going for a shot.

Adenuga is the national chairman of the and as its presidential candidate unopposed.

He has previously contested under the party and is now back for another shot.

His campaign has focused on insecurity, the cost of living and Nigerians’ access to basic needs. 

The Big Daily is your weekday shortcut to the biggest news shaping Nigeria. We cut through the noise, connect the dots, and explain why the news actually matters, all in one quick read.

Moses Adebisi 鈥� Democratic Leadership Alliance (DLA)

The candidate with an international study tour.

Initially, Samuel Memeh, a lawyer and the national chairman of the newly registered , was as the DLA’s consensus presidential candidate after the party’s May 2026 primary. 

However, after a substitution primary election, Moses Adebisi was the new presidential candidate of the party.

The party says its platform is built around competence, accountability, institutional reform, innovation and people-centred governance.

Adebisi his route to Aso Rock has involved a bit of international homework. He travelled to China, visiting Beijing and Shanghai to study the country鈥檚 economic reforms, especially the reforms that began in 1978. 

He said he also looked to the United States to understand the political and economic ideas behind its 鈥渓iberty agenda.鈥� 

Daniel Nwanyanwu 鈥� Zenith Labour Party (ZLP)

The chairman.

Nwanyanwu the . He previously served as Labour Party chairman before for the ZLP.

He later became national chairman of the ZLP, where he has been a prominent figure for years. He also the presidency under the ZLP in 2023.

Now, he’s hoping his second attempt will take him all the way to Aso Rock.

Sunday Chibuzor Okereke 鈥� Labour Party (LP)

The researcher.

Okereke is a businessman and political figure who emerged as the ‘s presidential candidate in May 2026. He currently serves as the of ERGAF-AFRICA, a policy and legislative research institution. 

He for credible elections and reforms in areas including education and healthcare. 

Iken Esther Okereke 鈥� National Rescue Movement (NRM)

The candidate from Nollywood. 

Esther Okereke is an actress and film producer who as the ‘s presidential candidate.

She also made history as the party’s first female presidential flag bearer.

Her campaign has focused on issues including security and the economy. 

Okereke鈥檚 candidacy puts her in a rather unusual group of presidential hopefuls: entertainers attempting to move from the screen into the highest level of Nigerian politics.

So, Nollywood-to-Aso-Rock could officially be a storyline.

Abbas-Bin Aliyu 鈥� Action Democratic Party (ADP)

The youth ambassador. 

Aliyu Abbas is the presidential candidate, having previously as a political aide to Atiku Abubakar and is also the founder of the .

On April 15, 2026, he the ADP. His campaign has focused on youth empowerment, inclusive governance and economic transformation. 

Yusuf Kabiru 鈥� Action Peoples Party (APP)

Another new name for many voters.

Kabiru is the presidential candidate of the for the 2027 election.

INEC lists him as 54 years old, with a First School Leaving Certificate, Senior Secondary School Certificate and National Diploma among his declared qualifications. His is Peace Egobia Ofordile.

His name might not ring many bells just yet, but he’s still gunning for Aso Rock 

And there you have it

18 candidates. One seat. And several months of campaign posters, rallies, promises and political gbas-gbos ahead.

Some of these people have been doing Nigerian politics for decades. Others are trying to introduce themselves to voters for the first time.

But before the jingles start playing everywhere and your WhatsApp status becomes a campaign office, there’s one thing Nigerians should do:

Know who’s asking for your vote. Because on , the ballot paper won’t care who had the loudest supporters online.

It will just ask you to choose.

Before we get to why these concerns are valid, let’s start with who Oluyemi Titilayo Adeyemi-Showunmi is. 

Who Is Oluyemi Adeyemi-Showunmi?

Oluyemi Titilayo Adeyemi-Showunmi was on March 23, 1971, in Ibadan, Oyo State, to Samuel Adetuyi Ogunfowora, a clergyman, and his wife. Her family later moved to Abeokuta, Ogun State, where she attended St Bernadette Nursery and Primary School and Abeokuta Girls鈥� Grammar School.

She studied English Language at Ogun State University, now Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago-Iwoye, and later obtained a master鈥檚 degree in Communication and Language Arts from the University of Ibadan in 2003.

Her in election administration began during her National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) year in Maiduguri, Borno State, where she served with the then National Electoral Commission. She subsequently joined the commission as an Administrative Officer II and rose through the ranks.

By March 2021, Adeyemi-Showunmi was a , working in Field Services and Administration. She later served as the Lagos office’s Administrative Secretary. 

However, by October 13 2026, said she had been redeployed to head at its headquarters in Abuja, placing her in a senior role as the commission prepares for the 2027 general elections.

She is married to , a political commentator and public affairs analyst. He served as the under the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and was previously Deputy Chief Press Secretary to former Ogun State governor Gbenga Daniel. 

In March 2022, Otunba Showunmi to contest for the Ogun State governorship seat in 2023 under the PDP but didn’t clinch the ticket. And then, on April 18 2026, he declared his the 2027 governorship election in the state.

Then he decided to follow the path of Nyesom Wike, the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). On October 1 2026, he was in the news cycle after for President Bola Tinubu鈥檚 2027 re-election.

Less than two weeks after his public declaration of support for President Tinubu, the PDP chieftain was in the media and strategic communication directorate of President Tinubu鈥檚 Presidential Campaign Council, ahead of the 2027 general elections.

These political connections of her husband have brought 础诲别测别尘颈-厂丑辞飞耻苍尘颈鈥檚 new assignment into the spotlight. The debate has centred on whether her husband鈥檚 political activities should raise concerns about her role at INEC, and what safeguards the commission has in place to protect its impartiality.

What does her new role involve?

The has a central role in preparing and organising elections. According to on INEC鈥檚 election operations, its responsibilities include coordinating the distribution of electoral materials, arranging polling activities, recruiting and ad hoc election personnel, and supporting the work of collation and returning officers.

The department鈥檚 director does not decide election results. Still, the role carries significant responsibility for the logistics and administration that make elections happen across the country.

础诲别测别尘颈-厂丑辞飞耻苍尘颈鈥檚 also comes alongside other personnel changes at INEC. Isah Magaji Gummi, who previously headed Electoral Operations, was reportedly moved to the Voter Registry Department, while Dr Lawrence Bayode was identified as head of the commission鈥檚 Information and Communication Technology Department.

On October 11, former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar on INEC to explain the criteria used for the appointments and redeployments. The Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA) has also the commission鈥檚 chairman, Professor Joash Amupitan, to clarify the changes and explain the safeguards against political interference.

These concerns have not established that Adeyemi-Showunmi has acted improperly. They have, however, put the commission under pressure to explain how it selected officials for departments that will play important roles in the 2027 elections.

The Big Daily is your weekday shortcut to the biggest news shaping Nigeria. We cut through the noise, connect the dots, and explain why the news actually matters, all in one quick read.

Can her husband鈥檚 political activities disqualify her?

The short answer is that marriage to a politically active person does not, by itself, automatically disqualify an INEC official under the provisions of the Electoral Act 2026.

restricts the appointment of a person who belongs to a political party or has openly expressed support for a candidate to perform specified duties connected with an election or voter registration. also requires election personnel to swear or affirm that they will discharge their duties impartially, without fear or favour.

These provisions focus on the conduct and political status of the official. They do not expressly say that an official must be disqualified because their spouse belongs to a political party or supports a candidate.

That does not mean concerns about conflicts of interest should be ignored. INEC still has a responsibility to maintain public confidence in its independence and to ensure that its officials follow the rules governing their work. The relevant evidence would include 础诲别测别尘颈-厂丑辞飞耻苍尘颈鈥檚 own conduct, the criteria for her appointment and the safeguards that apply to decisions made by her department.

Has INEC faced similar controversies before?

INEC has previously faced controversies involving the conduct of its officials during elections. One prominent example occurred in April 2023, when Hudu Yunusa-Ari, then the Resident Electoral Commissioner in Adamawa State, Aisha Dahiru Binani of APC as the winner of the state governorship election while collation was still ongoing.

INEC the announcement invalid and ordered Yunusa-Ari to stay away from the commission鈥檚 office. The commission later filed against him over his conduct during the election.

The Adamawa incident involved an official鈥檚 actions during an election, rather than questions about a spouse鈥檚 political affiliations. It nevertheless shows how INEC has responded when it considered an official鈥檚 conduct a breach of electoral procedure.

The current controversy surrounding Adeyemi-Showunmi has not produced comparable public evidence of misconduct. The focus so far has been on the reported redeployment, her husband鈥檚 political activities and the need for INEC to explain its decisions.

What has INEC said?

As of October 20, there is no substantive public explanation from INEC for 础诲别测别尘颈-厂丑辞飞耻苍尘颈鈥檚 redeployment or the criteria used to select her. HURIWA has called for clarification, while a coalition of civil society organisations has cautioned against treating allegations of political interference or ethnic favouritism as facts without independent evidence.

The commission鈥檚 response would help establish whether the changes followed its administrative procedures and what safeguards govern the Electoral Operations Department. It would also give the public a clearer basis for assessing the appointment, rather than relying on speculation about a staff member鈥檚 marriage.

As preparations for the 2027 elections continue, INEC will face scrutiny over its personnel, technology, electoral materials and procedures. Explaining how it makes important administrative decisions is one way to show voters that the institution takes its independence seriously.

But until the commission does the needful, we have a couple whose interests are two parallel lines that cannot meet: the husband supports a political party while the wife conducts the elections.